Se encontraron 16 investigaciones
Desde el 1993 la Constitución peruana reconoce la pluralidad étnica y cultural de la Nación, y el carácter oficial de los idiomas indígenas en las zonas donde predominan. A partir del 2011, la política multicultural peruana tomo un nuevo giro. Más allá de la Ley de consulta previa a los Pueblos indígenas, se adoptó la Ley 29735 'Ley que regula el uso, preservación, desarrollo, recuperación, fomento y difusión de las lenguas originarias del Perú'. Esta ley establece una serie de derechos lingüísticos y responsabilidades del Estado nacional y de los gobiernos regionales y municipales en la protección y promoción de éstos. Rompe con el carácter monolingüe del Estado peruano y establece por primera vez derechos positivos de los peruanos y peruanas cuya lengua materna es un idioma indígena, a recibir servicios públicos en su idioma materno en los ámbitos donde predominan poblaciones hablantes de idiomas indígenas. Este proyecto busca investigar cómo se desarrolla la política multicultural de promoción de los idiomas indígenas en dos regiones cuya población es mayoritariamente quechuahablantes: Cusco y Ayacucho-Huamanga. La investigación pretende entender tanto a nivel regional como a nivel de los municipios provinciales de las capitales de esas regiones, qué políticas y programas han adoptado los gobernantes, y en base a qué tipo de dinámica política. Nuestro marco teórico se basa en el rol de los actores sociales y políticos, la construcción contemporánea de la identidad regional y la capacidad estatal para explicar la adopción y la implementación de políticas multiculturales. El método de la comparación permite mostrar diferentes patrones de interpretación de la normativa nacional y su adaptación a nivel regional y municipal en relación a cada contexto.
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Estudio comparativo de los procesos contemporáneos de movilización y organización de las mujeres indígenas dentro de los movimientos indígenas y feministas o de mujeres, en Perú y Bolivia.
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Estudio comparativo de 6 casos nacionales en América latina y Oceanía; proyectos y procesos de autonomía indígena y sus efectos sobre la redefinición del Estado-nación.
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En noviembre del 2015, el Estado peruano adoptó la Ley no 30364, Ley para prevenir, sancionar y erradicar la violencia contra las mujeres y los integrantes del grupo familiar. En Julio 2016, adoptó el Plan nacional contra la violencia de género 2016-2021 (PNCVG), basado en la nueva ley. Si bien hubo dos planes anteriores sobre violencia contra las mujeres (2002-2007 y 2009-2015), una mirada a las estadísticas disponibles indica una mejora neta en la capacidad de atención estatal a las víctimas de violencia contra las mujeres en los últimos años. Por ejemplo, el Programa Nacional contra la Violencia Familiar y Sexual del Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables, atendió a muchas más víctimas de violencia familiar y sexual en el 2017, subiendo en 35.2% su capacidad de atención comparando con el 2016. En los primeros cuatro meses de 2018, el programa atendió a 34,063 personas, comparado con 22,330 en el mismo periodo en 2017 (página web MIMP y Diario La República 22/05/2018). El MININTER afirma que las denuncias por violencia familiar registradas por la policía se han incrementado en 19.4% en 2016, respecto al año anterior, lo cual es un salto cuantitativo sin precedente desde el 2005, primer año donde se registra este tipo de estadísticas. Sin embargo, la prensa peruana da cuenta semanalmente de numerosos casos de violencia de género y de varias fallas en los mecanismos de atención y sanción. La Defensoría del Pueblo, en una nota de prensa reciente, señalaba que durante el primer trimestre del 2018, los feminicidios habían aumentado en 10% y las tentativas en 55%, respecto al año pasado (NP no.151/OCII/DP/2018). Asimismo, diversas noticias informan sobre casos en que mujeres han muerto o han vuelto a ser agredidas tras no haber encontrado una protección adecuada en el Estado. ¿En qué dimensión(es) ha mejorado la atención estatal a las víctimas de violencia familiar y sexual, y qué aspectos continúan impidiendo una atención adecuada?
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This thesis analyses the process of social construction of women's citizenship rights in Peru under the regime of Alberto Fujimori (1990--2000). It builds on an existing body of literature on democratization and women's movements in Latin America, to develop an understanding of the forms of women's mobilization under new democratic regimes and the impact of the pattern of state-society relations on the advancements and losses in women's citizenship rights. More specifically, it shows that the 1990s witnessed a significant range of advances in women's civil and political rights, while social and economic rights suffered serious reversals. It is argued that the strategies and opportunities of different sectors of the women's movement in Peru, as well as the objectives pursued by the state under Fujimori's rule, combined to generate this evolution of women's citizenship. The forms of mobilization of these different sectors followed the course of their own constraints and choices, while they were also importantly shaped by the broader political framework: a neopopulist model of political rule together with the implementation of a neoliberal program of structural adjustment and liberalization. The influence of a set of international factors also contributed to structuring the political incentives and resources of the different actors involved in the social construction of women's citizenship in Peru. The thesis concludes that the democratic or authoritarian nature of the political regime as such cannot explain the pattern of construction of women's citizenship rights, as witnessed by an increased space of women in the public sphere and advances in civil and political rights under the restricted version of political democracy which characterized most of Fujimori's rule.
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This thesis analyses the process of social construction of women's citizenship rights in Peru under the regime of Alberto Fujimori (1990--2000). It builds on an existing body of literature on democratization and women's movements in Latin America, to develop an understanding of the forms of women's mobilization under new democratic regimes and the impact of the pattern of state-society relations on the advancements and losses in women's citizenship rights. More specifically, it shows that the 1990s witnessed a significant range of advances in women's civil and political rights, while social and economic rights suffered serious reversals. It is argued that the strategies and opportunities of different sectors of the women's movement in Peru, as well as the objectives pursued by the state under Fujimori's rule, combined to generate this evolution of women's citizenship. The forms of mobilization of these different sectors followed the course of their own constraints and choices, while they were also importantly shaped by the broader political framework: a neopopulist model of political rule together with the implementation of a neoliberal program of structural adjustment and liberalization. The influence of a set of international factors also contributed to structuring the political incentives and resources of the different actors involved in the social construction of women's citizenship in Peru. The thesis concludes that the democratic or authoritarian nature of the political regime as such cannot explain the pattern of construction of women's citizenship rights, as witnessed by an increased space of women in the public sphere and advances in civil and political rights under the restricted version of political democracy which characterized most of Fujimori's rule.
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This thesis analyses the process of social construction of women's citizenship rights in Peru under the regime of Alberto Fujimori (1990--2000). It builds on an existing body of literature on democratization and women's movements in Latin America, to develop an understanding of the forms of women's mobilization under new democratic regimes and the impact of the pattern of state-society relations on the advancements and losses in women's citizenship rights. More specifically, it shows that the 1990s witnessed a significant range of advances in women's civil and political rights, while social and economic rights suffered serious reversals. It is argued that the strategies and opportunities of different sectors of the women's movement in Peru, as well as the objectives pursued by the state under Fujimori's rule, combined to generate this evolution of women's citizenship. The forms of mobilization of these different sectors followed the course of their own constraints and choices, while they were also importantly shaped by the broader political framework: a neopopulist model of political rule together with the implementation of a neoliberal program of structural adjustment and liberalization. The influence of a set of international factors also contributed to structuring the political incentives and resources of the different actors involved in the social construction of women's citizenship in Peru. The thesis concludes that the democratic or authoritarian nature of the political regime as such cannot explain the pattern of construction of women's citizenship rights, as witnessed by an increased space of women in the public sphere and advances in civil and political rights under the restricted version of political democracy which characterized most of Fujimori's rule.
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This thesis analyses the process of social construction of women's citizenship rights in Peru under the regime of Alberto Fujimori (1990--2000). It builds on an existing body of literature on democratization and women's movements in Latin America, to develop an understanding of the forms of women's mobilization under new democratic regimes and the impact of the pattern of state-society relations on the advancements and losses in women's citizenship rights. More specifically, it shows that the 1990s witnessed a significant range of advances in women's civil and political rights, while social and economic rights suffered serious reversals. It is argued that the strategies and opportunities of different sectors of the women's movement in Peru, as well as the objectives pursued by the state under Fujimori's rule, combined to generate this evolution of women's citizenship. The forms of mobilization of these different sectors followed the course of their own constraints and choices, while they were also importantly shaped by the broader political framework: a neopopulist model of political rule together with the implementation of a neoliberal program of structural adjustment and liberalization. The influence of a set of international factors also contributed to structuring the political incentives and resources of the different actors involved in the social construction of women's citizenship in Peru. The thesis concludes that the democratic or authoritarian nature of the political regime as such cannot explain the pattern of construction of women's citizenship rights, as witnessed by an increased space of women in the public sphere and advances in civil and political rights under the restricted version of political democracy which characterized most of Fujimori's rule.
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