Se encontraron 9 investigaciones
CritUP aims at developing a sustainable transnational research network and platform for the exchange between forms of critical theory articulated in different regions of the world. While models of critical theory developed in the Global North have been the subject of a vivid reception in the Global South, there has been little reciprocity. As a result, innovative contributions to a critical understanding of the present generated in the Global South have been largely ignored. This is especially problematic since South America has become a socio-economic and political ¿laboratory¿ in which tendencies are manifest that now increasingly affect the Global North as well, such as current threats to academic freedom. CritUp not only aims to address the existing asymmetries in the global production of knowledge, by creating the conditions for the reception of crucial analyses from the Global South, thus fostering a mutual academic dialogue; but it also seeks to learn from the analyses and practices developed in the Global South that respond to challenges, which have increasingly become universalized. CritUP is a network of academic and non-academic partners. It is hosted by the Centre for Social Critique (Berlin) in cooperation with CEBRAP (São Paulo), the Grupo de Investigación sobre Teoría Crítica (Lima), the Núcleo de Teoría Social (Santiago de Chile), the Political Theory Group at the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Boğaziçi University (Istanbul), and the Grupo de Estudios de Teoría Crítica Contemporánea (Buenos Aires). In addition, it consists of a growing number of non-academic partners: INTERNETLAB (Brazil), Instituto de Defensa Legal (Peru), Asociación Civil Transparencia (Peru), Fundación Sol (Chile), Fundación Ciudadanía Inteligente (active across South America), Türkiye Insan Hakları Vakfı (Turkey), Pembe Hayat (Istanbul), and Birarada Derneği (Istanbul).
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In the research I will develop a critique of property based on an analysis of the social conflicts generated by the extractive mining industry. I build upon a case from the southern Andean region of Peru using theoretical resources from Hegel, Marx and two contemporary authors: John Christman and Brenna Bhandar. By its very nature, mining industry demands taking possession of surrounding communal territories, which are usually understood as collective goods whose use and ususfruct require decisions made in deliberative and equally communal instances. Mining intervention in the community encourages such instances to be progressively replaced by negotiations in which property valuation criteria are altered. This aims at the disintegration of the community and its conversion into individual or family plots with a much more attractive exchange value in the short term. Recent field research has shown that the proliferation of individual titling demands as a result of the increase in mining activity generates a high degree of dissatisfaction once the negotiation was carried out. And this can be an indicator that the legal form that creates individual owners does not completely satisfy the expectations inherent to the ideal of "property". In this regard, Christman develops a notion of multidimensional property linked to the capacity for agency or control over a set of necessary functionings for autonomous life. What is at stake is a complex form of community belonging mediated by norms of recognition that reinforce the sense of "ownership" understood as "appropriation" (Aneignung) of the material and institutional conditions of life. According to Hegel, self-appropriation is achieved through various forms of social participation aimed at the conscious constitution of identity through the creative activity of the social subject.
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La investigación se situará principalmente dentro de un marco conceptual proporcionado por la Filosofía y la Teoría política. Adoptará una metodología interdisciplinaria con el propósito de articular las herramientas teórico-normativas de estas disciplinas con los resultados de investigaciones empíricas acerca del funcionamiento de iniciativas y movimientos ciudadanos orientados a una mayor democratización institucional.Por un lado, esta cooperación metodológica deberá comprobar la consistencia y validez de los dos principales fundamentos de la democracia deliberativa: (1) su pretensión de realizar de manera más completa los ideales democráticos de autonomía y autolegislación; y (2) su capacidad de servir a la más exacta formulación de problemas sociales y a la obtención de mejores resultados mediante la inclusión de diversas perspectivas epistémicas. Por otro lado, la utilización de las herramientas de análisis conceptual propias de la Filosofía, junto a una revisión bibliográfica que contempla estudios empíricos realizados en el terreno de las ciencias sociales y políticas, permitirá reconstruir el núcleo normativo de algunas experiencias e innovaciones democráticas seleccionadas, principalmente peruanas y latinoamericanas. Esto con el fin de explicar, a la luz de las premisas de la democracia deliberativa, ciertas intuiciones con respecto a las motivaciones detrás del desencanto hacia los modelos político-representativos, la desconfianza hacia las instituciones y los reclamos en ascenso por una mayor participación en los procesos de toma de decisión y de constitución social y política. En línea con lo anteriormente mencionado, lo que se espera mostrar es que tales motivaciones están orientadas, de manera aún latente, a la construcción de formas alternativas a la liberal de comprender y realizar los principios de la autonomía y la autolegislación, así como también a la necesidad de obtener soluciones epistémicamente más sólidas a los problemas sociales.
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In medical language, the study of the causes, nature and development of a disease is called pathology. But pathology is also the deviation from the correct or normal functioning of an organism, that is, the disease itself. In the case of Critical Theory, one would tend to think that, to diagnose a society as pathological, it is also necessary to start from a clear idea of what it means for that society to function normally, since there would be an explicit criterion of evaluation and criticism. This assumption is in a sense true, but the matter is not that simple. According to the now famous reconstruction of the tasks and methods of the Frankfurt School that Axel Honneth carries out, a society would be pathological when it is organized in such a way that a double condition is met: on the one hand, institutions, norms and practices hinder the understanding and realization of a series of ideals embodied in that same society and, on the other hand, such a condition makes it difficult for these blockages to be perceived, thus reducing the capacity of social actors for reaction. Since the social conditions themselves hide the anomaly in such a way that it cannot be questioned, a critique of social anomalies has to be connected with an explanation of the processes that have contributed to veiling them. This strange condition is reproduced to such a degree that a pathological normality, as Adorno identifies it, is generated. In the research, I will try to delve into this problematic link between suffering and social pathology as developed by Honneth, both from him own Hegelian reading of a deficit of rationality, and from Adorno s idea of a sick normality. This will be done against the background of the less worked phenomenon of social asymptomaticity.
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The research explains the conditions of the possibility of social criticism through the category of cognitive dissonance. I will begin by presenting an outline of the theory of cognitive dissonance developed by Leon Festinger, which will show how every rational decision can be based on a potentially inconsistent belief system. However, the empirical and psychological nature of Festinger's approach leads him to conceive dissonance almost exclusively as a malfunction of the cognitive capacity of individuals. Consequently, his approach is limited to providing only therapeutic proposals to correct these pathologies. This dichotomy between healthy and pathological behaviour can be dissolved through the concept of irrationality found in the work of Donald Davidson. For him cognitive dissonance is not merely a psychological malaise that must be overcome, but is first and foremost an indicator of some cognitive inadequacy that could lead to social change. His holistic understanding of a belief system allows him, in fact, to connect it with his thesis of an intersubjectively constituted social world that requires multiple interpreters to be confirmed and, where required, corrected. In relation to this approach, I will explain its link with the inferential semantics of Robert Brandom, which will enable us to understand how the members of a community of speakers can reciprocally evaluate and correct practical inferences derived from the use of predicative terms. Finally, a form of recognition developed paradigmatically by Axel Honneth, associated with the ability of mutual correction within normative social orders where there is an constitutive interpretative indeterminacy, will allow situating Davidson's and Brandom's theses on dissonance and irrationality within the context of a critical theory of society.
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Basándose en Hegel y Rousseau, Marx defiende la idea de que los efectos desintegradores y alienantes de la modernidad no son inherentes a la socialidad como tal, sino que pertenecen a una forma particular de concebir al mundo social. Como Hegel, Marx reserva el término bürgerliche Gesellschaft para referirse a un modo incompleto de entender a las relaciones humanas y al individuo. Este solo puede ser superado mediante una praxis emancipadora que resuelva las contradicciones resultantes de las promesas incumplidas de las instituciones modernas, las cuales distorsionan la comprensión del individuo libre y limitan las posibilidades de su realización. Sobre la base de estas consideraciones y remitiéndome a la obra temprana de Marx, la investigación desarrolla, en primer lugar, el vínculo entre la alienación y el surgimiento de la sociedad civil en Marx. A continuación, también en referencia a la sociedad civil, se analiza el sentido que adquiere el concepto de exclusión en Marx y en Hegel. Esto me permitirá explicar en qué medida la libertad puede entenderse como emancipación con respecto a las condiciones materiales que fomentan la alienación. Finalmente, se concluye con una exposición del rol de los movimientos sociales en la actualidad, sobre el trasfondo de una comprensión de la injusticia epistémica asociada a los conceptos marxianos de alienación e ideología.
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In the research, I will distinguish a constitutive concept of exclusion from a more limited approach related to the exercise of power over an agent, which has been often used to explain explicit social relations of domination and subordination. The reconceptualization of exclusion defended here takes the analysis of power from a purely phenomenal or ontic level to a noumenal or ontological one (1). By doing so, I try to show that it is possible to speak of exclusion in an immanent way without understanding the excluded as the result or the object of an intentional act of an agent with whom an easily identifiable (and eventually criticizable) dyadic relationship is established (2). Against this dyadic conception of exclusion, and partially following the well-known Foucaultian understanding of power, I will provide an alternative, fundamental conception, defined not as a peripheral condition, but rather as the counterpart of the exercise of constitutive social power (3). These social-ontological considerations will be articulated by appealing to the linguistic-philosophical approach of authors such as Robert Brandom, according to which the effectiveness of social orders as a source of normativity and problem-solving processes depends upon maintaining an appearance of internal consistency between the different reasons that support them (4). Following this, I intend to explain why the possibility of legitimate social criticism is related to some form of cognitive dissonance, that is, to the disclosure of inconsistencies in reference to the agent¿s own set of valid beliefs and reasons which sustain normative structures (5). Hence, rather than being the object of criticism, fundamental exclusion represents an instance which enables immanent social critique and social change by virtue of the constant quest to restore rationality and internal consistency in the space of reasons constitutive of the social world (6).
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En la primera parte de la investigación se reconstruirá y sistematizará los dos modos principales en que se ha entendido el poder en relación con las tareas y el objeto de la Filosofía social contemporánea. El primero, de naturaleza hobbesiano-weberiano, entiende al poder como la capacidad de determinar externamente el comportamiento ajeno, esto es, como una relación de dominación y subordinación. El segundo, de corte spinoziano-nietzscheano, lo describe más bien como un principio ontológico constitutivo. Poder es aquí la fuerza inherente a todo organismo que hace posible su auto-conservación. Es, por ello, condición necesaria de la constitución de la identidad y, por tanto, de la existencia misma. En la segunda parte, se indagará acerca de las maneras en que puede entenderse la crítica social según cada una de las comprensiones del poder. Así, se defenderá la tesis de que en el marco de la tradición que se remonta a Hobbes, la crítica es el cuestionamiento a las relaciones ilegítimas de dominación. Aquí se trata del problema de la voluntad individual sojuzgada injustificadamente por una entidad extraña, esto es, del control externo de la voluntad o heteronomía. Según la segunda tradición, la crítica pasa más bien por la indagación acerca de la historia y las circunstancias concretas del surgimiento y los procesos de transformación de un determinado orden socio-político. La crítica del poder es aquí una actividad reconstructiva, un análisis de los diversos modos en que este ha operado y sigue operando en la creación del mundo social. A partir de lo anterior, se concluirá que es la segunda aproximación la que responde de modo más adecuado a las exigencias actuales de la Filosofía social. En esta línea, se defenderá la tesis de que tal crítica genealógica permite lanzar una mirada escrutadora hacia la historia de las instituciones y prácticas vigentes.
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